The Wars of Watergate by Stanley I. Kutler

Author:Stanley I. Kutler [Kutler, Stanley I.]
Language: eng
Format: epub
ISBN: 978-0-307-83405-8
Publisher: Knopf Doubleday Publishing Group
Published: 2013-08-21T04:00:00+00:00

Ehrlichman stared across the table, eyebrows furrowed, jaw set, and replied:

I am afraid that has been considerably eroded over the years, has it not?

Talmadge never hesitated:

Down in my country we still think it is a pretty legitimate principle of law.45

Spontaneous applause from the audience left Ehrlichman momentarily stunned. The President’s confident aide had touched upon a tender, treasured principle, one not as readily dismissed as the less well understood First and Fifth amendments.

Committee members also forced Ehrlichman into political dark corners when he attempted to equate the “defense fund” for the burglars with similar funds raised for political activists opposed to the Vietnam war. Ervin insisted that people in such cases openly gave money, knowing the purpose of the funds and believing the cause correct. Certainly, Ervin argued, those who contributed to the President’s re-election campaign neither had knowledge of, nor probably would they have approved, payments to burglars. Ehrlichman hastily retreated to a discussion of his own lack of involvement in those payments. Weicker turned on Ehrlichman’s defense of employing such “investigators” as Caulfield and Ulasewicz. Ehrlichman contended that the White House had a legitimate interest in unmasking unfit political figures, for example, those with drinking problems—a daring ploy to discredit unnamed senators. Weicker also raged at Ehrlichman for equating an FBI investigation, duly authorized by statute, with the free-lance techniques of Ehrlichman’s private investigators.

Ehrlichman’s defense of White House attempts to discredit the committee’s hearings by reference to Ervin’s partisanship virtually invited the North Carolinian to pose as the champion of constitutional liberty and nonpartisanship. Ervin refused to apologize for his criticism of what he regarded as the Administration’s usurpation of constitutional powers, usurpation entailed by its claims to executive privilege, inherent powers, and rightful impoundment of funds. But he deftly noted that few Senate Democrats had supported the President more staunchly than he on economic and war issues, referring in particular to his recent vote against the War Powers Act because it encroached on the President’s proper constitutional authority.

Ehrlichman offered a maze of detail, contradiction, evasion, and confrontation. He told the committee that as early as July 1972 the President had forbidden his aides to discuss executive clemency for the burglars, omitting mention of other times when Nixon openly considered the possibility. He lamely tried to explain away his instructions that Patrick Gray “deep six” the contents of Hunt’s safe and his discussion of the FBI Directorship with Federal Judge Byrne. Repeatedly, almost desperately, Ehrlichman tried to steer the committee to his fundamental contention that Dean was the primary villain.46

Ehrlichman concluded his testimony on Monday, July 30, once more jabbing at the “falsity” of Dean’s charges. In measured, confident words, he rejected Strachan’s unduly flippant advice urging young people to stay away from Washington. Ehrlichman said he would give them a mission: “Come and do better. Don’t stay away.” Good people, he contended, must be attracted to fight for what is right, to fight against the “seat-warmers and hacks” who would dominate the field if it were abandoned. Finally, Ehrlichman heaped scorn on a Washington culture he truly loathed.

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